Case and Aspect in Slavic by Kylie Richardson

By Kylie Richardson

The function of structural case in syntax is arguably some of the most arguable issues in syntactic conception with very important implications for semantic concept. This ebook makes a speciality of essentially the most complicated case marking styles within the Slavic languages and ties those styles to kinds of aspectual phenomena, displaying that there's in any case a trend within the seeming chaos of case within the Slavic languages.

Kylie Richardson addresses hyperlinks among the case marking on gadgets and the development constitution of a verb word in Belarusian, Russian, Ukrainian, Czech, Slovak, Polish, and Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian and likewise exhibits that the hyperlinks among case and point within the Slavic languages belong to a miles better development present in language ordinarily. She additionally specializes in hyperlinks among case and grammatical point in depictive, predicative participle, and copular structures within the East Slavic languages.

The e-book will entice students and complicated scholars of point, and to all Slavicists.

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This phenomenon also exists in other Slavic languages. In Slovak, for instance, the verbs dotknu´t’ sa, ublı´zˇit’, and krivdit’ all mean ‘to oVend’, yet dotknu´t’ sa takes a genitive argument, whereas ublı´zˇit’ and krivdit’ take dative ones. These patterns suggest that there is nothing about the semantics of the verb that leads to its selection of a lexical case-marked argument, that is, lexical case marking is unpredictable. Further evidence for the unpredictable nature of lexical case marking comes from the fact that verbs with similar meanings select diVerent lexical cases across a number of Slavic languages.

Slovak also exhibits an accusative–dative alternation with a number of verbs, whereby the dative argument is said to convey ‘a beneWcial or advantageous nuance’ (Oravec 1967: 149). 37 Again, the dative C/case with these verbs is not obligatory and appears to be predictable; thus, it does not constitute a lexical case.

According to him, for an eventuality to be temporally deWnite it must be viewed as both a totality and as qualitatively diVerent from prior and/or subsequent states of aVairs, Preliminaries 25 that is, it is (a totality that is) uniquely locatable in time. Thus, according to Dickey, the perfective aspect is grammatical in the Czech and Slovak habitual constructions above because the repeated eventuality is viewed as a totality on each individual repetition. In Russian and Ukrainian, on the contrary, habituality is incompatible with temporal deWniteness, since: ‘unique locatability is incompatible with the indeWnite distribution along the time axis of a habitually repeated situation’ (Dickey 2000: 54–5).

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