Current Issues in Romance Languages: Selected Papers from by Teresa Satterfield, Christina Tortora, Diana Cresti

By Teresa Satterfield, Christina Tortora, Diana Cresti

This quantity emerges from the twenty ninth annual convention of the Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL) held on the college of Michigan, Ann Arbor, in 1999. themes coated contain: on changing into a clitic; the prenominal possessive in romance; at the nature of naked nouns in Haitian Creole; the semantics of Spanish unfastened relations; cut up topic pronoun paradigms; non-lexical "if"; and Romanian nominal constitution, proforms and genitive case checking between others.

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Extra info for Current Issues in Romance Languages: Selected Papers from the 29th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (Lsrl), Ann Arbor, 8-11 April 1999

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The paper is organized as follows: first, Chierchia's typology and its grounding assumptions are summarized. Second, the Haitian Creole data is examined. Third, empirical evidence for the presence of a null determiner in HC bare nominals are presented and an analysis of its syntax and semantics is sketched. 2. Theoretical Background In formal semantics, nouns are commonly assumed to denote predicates of type . e. NPs, are often considered unsuitable verbal arguments, with the consequence that a determiner, visible or not, must always be present to remedy the situation (Longobardi (1994), among others).

The relevant part of the structure of (9a) is shown in (15). The FocusP is not present in (15) because I assume, following Rizzi, that TopicP and FocusP are projected only if needed, when a constituent bears topic or focus features. (15) Crucially for my argument, the data show that an overt complementizer is obligatory when a topic is present. I believe that the explanation that assumes that no CP is projected when the que is not realized is preferable to the most obvious alternative, which would be to consider the existence of a null complementizer in these Spanish embedded complements.

It seems thus fair to conclude that plural distinctions in HC are essentially limited to the pronominal domain and, consequently that the language displays no inflectional plural morphology. In (12) below, the pronominal distinction has been used to probe the singular/plural construal of HC bare nouns. Note that, interestingly, both the singular and the plural pronouns are possible, at least when bare nouns have a generic reading. (12) a. " b. " d. " e. " f. Vwayèl  chante. Yo gen bel vwa (Dejean: (1985:3)) "Vowels can sing.

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