By Michel Dobry (auth.), Michel Dobry (eds.)
here ofexchange, and borrowing in debates among those disciplines, the entire extra so, as we will see a bit extra on, because the research of the vital and East eu variations has additionally contributed to introduce into political technology and sociology theoretical systematizations first formulated in economics. as well as this starting as much as the items and theories of economics, the pseudo-"dilemma" ofsimultaneity produced, via one of those suggestions, one other sequence of results on transitology and the comparable study domain names. opposite to such a lot expectancies and predictions within the wake ofthe 1989 upheavals - affirmations that the "dilemmas", "problems" or "challenges" of the transitions in imperative and jap Europe should were handled and resolved one by one in series, within the demeanour of the roughly idealized trajectories of significant Britain or Spain (trajectories considerably sufficient promoted, some distance past the circles of students, as a "model" of transition), and particularly, opposite to the idea that superposing a thorough monetary transformation upon a transition to democracy could make the entire edifice completely unworkable, volatile or harmful - it needs to be acknowledged basically out that the 2 methods, of their "simultaneity", should not inevitably incompatible. this is often one of many major findings under pressure upon in different chapters of this book.
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The fact that these visions can both be illustrated and refuted by historical examples and have a vast influence on our understanding of the world is an explanation of the visionary and ideological manner in which many social scientists think about postcommunism. But what I believe is wrong about the transformation debate is not that many participants are "visionary" and "ideological". Rather what constitutes the problem is that much of the discourse seems to have got stuck at the stage of rival archetypal preanalytic cognitive orientations, and the next step, the analytic act of scientific inquiry, often does not follow.
The latter are the merge-terms for all possible negative consequences if the utopia would turn out to lose 3,. In the framework of political competition between utopias and their pathologies, rival views risk to lose even the minimum of mutual respect and the chance for reconciliation. Social science suffers in both of the following ways: its capacity to capture complexity is fatally impaired, and a number of terms which originally served the conceptualisation of a particular social phenomenon lose their empirical content and hat meaning.
As a last resort, one could still argue that the self-contradictory nature of the system under discussion justifies even a fundamental disagreement over its core attributes. However, this view would not take us far, and would simply be incorrect, since as I will show below evoking contradicting interpretations is a feature not at all distinctive to capitalism. By a short excursion in a third realm of the history of social thought, I try to put the rivalry of views in a new light. In a third ideology map I shall demonstrate that conflicting theories adding up to a structure similar to both of the above presented tables have also been advo<;ated by observers whose ambition was to predict the dynamics of an entirely different system: socialism 16.